ISSN: 2306-5737E-ISSN: 2658-4069
Acta Linguistica Petropolitana
Transactions of the Institute for Linguistic Studies
ISSN: 2306-5737E-ISSN: 2658-4069
Acta Linguistica Petropolitana
Transactions of the Institute for Linguistic Studies 

Reflexive pronouns in Muira Dargwa

DOI:10.30842/alp230657371913665
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Kalyakin I. V. Refleksivnyye mestoimeniya v muirinskom yazyke darginskoy gruppy. Acta Linguistica Petropolitana. 2023. 19(1): 36–65.

The study investigates the formal aspects of reflexive pronouns in Muira Dargwa and addresses their distribution within different syntactic domains, also discussing available mechanisms of their interpretation. The data for this study were collected through fieldwork in the village of Kalkni (Dakhadayevsky District, Republic of Dagestan, Russia) in June-July 2021.

Muira Dargwa differentiates between two pronouns traditionally classified as reflexives: a simple reflexive and a complex reflexive. The simple reflexive saj represents the bare reflexive stem inflected for case and number, with absolutive forms also distinguishing gender. The complex reflexive sunni saj consists of two occurrences of the simple reflexive pronoun: the first component either takes the case of the antecedent or stands in the genitive, whereas the second component bears the case of the reflexivized argument. It is noteworthy that the linear order of the components is not strictly fixed: they can change places and admit various constituents in between, which makes them appear rather as different entities than parts of one compound or constituent.

In Muira Dargwa the simple reflexive pronoun can refer to its antecedents either locally or distantly. It can also function in numerous non-reflexive contexts as a logophoric pronoun, a resumptive pronoun, an intensifier and a pause filler. The complex reflexive is strictly local and, in most cases, lacks orientation motivated by structural asymmetries. That is why the reflexive is in the ergative subject position, whereas the antecedent is in the absolutive direct object position apparently c-commanded by the subject. In some cases of semantic binding, however, the indicated symmetry disappears, and the complex reflexive can no longer be used in the subject position and must be c-commanded by its antecedent. Further extensive work is needed to account for the behavior of the complex reflexives in Muira Dargwa.

Keywords
Northeast Caucasian languages, reflexive pronouns, intensifiers, anaphors, subject orientation
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Keywords
Northeast Caucasian languages, reflexive pronouns, intensifiers, anaphors, subject orientation
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