Latin reflexes of PIE long syllabic liquid sonants of type СoRС / СuRС
The paper is devoted to the Latin shortened reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European long syllabic liquids schematically represented as СoRC / СuRC. Shortened reflexes having the form *CaRC found in Italic and Celtic languages have long been known; they were explained by V. Dybo as regular outcomes of sequences of the type *CR̥HC in unstressed position. I consider forms containing or, ur, ol and ul < PIE *r̥H and *l̥H in Latin and in other Italic languages. I believe the most reliable cases to be the forms of five Latin verbs:
1. pulsum / pulsus, supine and PPP. to pellō, -ere ‘to exert force against, push, strike’; Venetic poltos < *polto - < *pl̥Htu- / *pl̥Hto-.
2. cultum / cultus, supine and PPP. to colō, -ere ‘to live, inhabit; to till, cultivate, farm (land)’ < *kʷl̥h1-tu- / *kʷl̥h1-to-.
3. uolsum(us) / uulsum(us), supine and PPP. to uellō, -ere ‘to pull or pluck out (hair, plumage) etc.’ < *u̯l̥H-tu- / *u̯l̥H-to-.
4. perculsum / perculsus, supine and PPP. to percellō, -ere ‘to strike or knock down; to strike down’ < *-kl̥h2-tu- / *-kl̥h2-to- (or rebuilt *-kl̥h2d-to-with dental extension).
5. consultum / consultus, supine and PPP. to consulō, -ere ‘to apply to a person for advice or information, consult; to consult the Senate etc.’ < *-sl̥h1-tu- / *-sl̥h1-to-.
The zero-grade is morphologically motivated. In addition, there are several nouns.
17 less reliable cases can be added to this list. The alternative explanation of these forms as *o-grades is not preferable: the de Saussure effect does not represent a rule operative in PIE and Latin in all positions; the syncope in all the mentioned forms is not regular either.
The shortened reflexes under consideration do not demonstrate unambiguous correlation between Latin vowel reflexes and *h1, *h2, *h3 in the protoform. It is not excluded that before tectal l three types of reflexes coincide in ul, namely *al, *ol and *el. It seams to be reasonable to take that CoRC / CuLC appear in unstressed position after consonants with a labial element or after velars (С1 = c, g, u, f, m and p). Supposedly, this sound change was blocked before i of the next syllable, therefore pars, partis ‘part’ and calx, calcis ‘heel’. A full explanation of the facts presented needs further research.