DOI:10.30842/alp23065737181485502
Yakubovich Ilya. Morphophonemic variation
in Luwian clitic chains and the origin of the particle [꞊r].
Acta Linguistica Petropolitana. 2022. 18(1):
485–502.
The Luwian language was spoken in Ancient Anatolia and is
attested through written texts that are approximately datable to
1500–800 BCE. It belongs to the Anatolian sub-family of the
Indo-European family and thus represents a close relative of
Hittite. The Luwian language is attested in cuneiform and
hieroglyphic scripts, but the present paper is based on the data in
cuneiform transmission, which reflects better the Luwian
phonological system. As typical of the Anatolian languages, Luwian
features the second-position Wackernagel clitics, which are
arranged vis-à-vis each other according to their formal ranks but
can undergo morphophonemic changes in sandhi with each other.
Establishing the correct inventory of the Luwian clitics is
impossible without studying the licensing conditions and outcomes
of such processes. The present paper approaches this problem from
the perspective of morphophonemic variation in parallel versions of
Luwian cuneiform incantations.
One of the outcomes of the conducted analysis is the
demonstration that the cuneiform sequences a-ta-tar and
a-at-tar can reflect the same clitic chain /a꞊ada꞊dar/ at
the morphophonemic level. This alternation provides a new argument
toward vindicating the existence of the fortis/lenis opposition in
the Luwian phonological system, which is superimposed upon the
inherited opposition between voiced and voiceless plosives. Another
result of this paper is the observation that the particles [꞊dar]
and [꞊r], previously regarded as independent lexical units,
represent allomorphs of the same clitic. The occurrences of [꞊r]
are limited to the position after the pronominal clitics /꞊du/,
/꞊mu/, and /꞊di/, while the variant [꞊dar] occurs after the
pronominal clitics /꞊as/, /꞊an/, and /꞊ada/. A formal account
involving “weak” and “strong” clitics is put forward to capture
this distribution, but its ultimate rationale must have to do with
the laws governing syncope and lenition in Luwian. Quite aside from
its linguistic conclusions, the present paper sheds light on a
number of obscure and mostly fragmentary Luwian passages, which
have defied satisfactory account thus far.
Keywords
Luwian Language, cuneiform, Wackernagel
clitics, morphophonemics
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