DOI:10.30842/alp2306573716317
Tatevosov S. G. Neskolko nablyudeniy nad
osnovami nenetskogo glagola. Acta Linguistica
Petropolitana. 2020. XVI(3): 533–569.
This paper surveys the structure of the verb stem in Tundra
Nenets, focusing on stem-final elements a, (y)o,
and ø. The latter appears in two varieties, known as
“non-alternating ø”, or “øʌ”,
and “alternating ø”, or “øi”.
In Tundra Nenets, the same stem can surface with more than one
stem-final vowel as in xona / xonyo ‘fall
asleep, sleep’ (a and o);
nømta / nømtøʌ ‘hear’
(a and øʌ),
wøntar°ta / wøntar°tøi
‘bend, be bent’ (a and øi),
and so on. The goal of this paper is to establish two related
empirical generalizations. First, the scope of this phenomenon
exceeds by far the limits identified in the previous studies. The
paper argues that the stem-final alternations are to be
re‑analyzed in terms of productive derivational morphology that
operates on event-structural characteristics of a verbal predicate.
Second, the four-way opposition created by the stem-final
morphology does not only characterize non-derived verbs, but also
extends to verbs with productive derivational morphology. For
example, the inchoative morpheme, identified as l(ø) in
the previous studies, features the entire array of options
including, apart from (non-alternating)
løʌ, la,
løi, and lyo. The empirical
reality of these inchoatives can be assessed by looking at the
subjective and reflexive subparadigms of Aorist and, when the forms
of Aorist cannot tell different options apart, at the so called
connegative subparadigm. Other productive derivational morphemes of
Tundra Nenets, the Durative (the ‑mpø morpheme), the
Imperfective (‑nø), the Frequentative (‑r), and
the Iterative (‑ngkø) exhibit similar behavior: they are
attested with different stem-final elements. This view of
stem-final morphology makes a significant prediction. If
a, øʌ,
øi, and o are derivational
morphemes rather than “vowel alternations” epiphenomenal on the
formation of the form of Aorist, one can expect to find them
elsewhere, that is, outside of the Aorist paradigm. This prediction
is borne out: as our study confirms, verbs stems derived from the
four elements of this event-structural paradigm (the basic stem,
the general finite stem, and the connegative stem) are involved in
further morphological derivation yielding causatives, inchoatives,
and so on. Thus, for example, the verb yakøl ‘start
itching’, the inchoative of yakø ‘itch’, shows the
multiplicity of ways of deriving the Iterative: yakøl‑a‑ngkø,
yakøl‑°‑ngkø, yakøl‑u‑ngkø, yakøl‑yo‑ngkø, yakøl‑yu‑ngkø. The
stems, which the Iterative affix ‑ngkø‑ merges with, all
come from different stem-final variants of yakøl:
yakøla (cf. yakøl‑a‑ngkø),
yakøløʌ (cf. yakøl‑°‑ngkø),
yakøløi (cf. yakøl‑u‑ngkø),
and yakølyo (cf. yakøl‑yo‑ngkø and
yakøl‑yu‑ngkø). The reality of the stem-final
event-structural morphology thus receives a strong empirical
support.
Keywords
verb structure, event structure, derivational
morphology, causative, inchoative
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